How free is the “Free Trade”?

Ever since Adam Smith published The Wealth of Nations, more than 200 years ago, free traders have seen themselves as natural champions of consumers in a struggle to curb the market power of producers. As such, powerful corporations naturally employ rhetoric like “free trade” and “free markets” to advance their agendas.
 
Free trade is an economic concept referring to the selling of products between countries without any trade barriers or tariffs. Free trade is the absence government-imposed barriers to trade among individuals and companies in different countries. International trade is often constricted by different national taxes, other fees imposed on exported and imported goods, as well as non-tariff regulations on imported goods; theoretically, free trade is against all these restrictions. In reality, trade agreements that are labeled as “free trade” by their proponents may actually create their own barriers to a free market.
 
International trade agreements erect trade barriers as often as they remove them. As Wayne Andreas, the former CEO of agribusiness giant Archer Daniels Midland, said, “There is not one grain of anything in the world that is sold in the free market. Not one. The only place you see a free market is in the speeches of politicians.” Well acquainted with the illegal price fixing, exploitation of the third world countries, and legally wielding political power to extract taxpayer subsidies, Mr. Andreas knows of what he speaks.
 
European Union, have implemented free trade in some forms between their member nations. However, there is a continuing debate whether free trade would help the less developed countries with different economic problems and whether free trade is good for the developed countries.
 
Some economists argue that free trade increases the standard of living through the comparative advantages and economies of scale. Others argue, however, that free trade allows developed countries to exploit developing countries and to destroy local industry in addition to circumventing social and labor standards. Conversely, it has also been argued that free trade hurts developed countries because it causes jobs from those countries to move to other countries as well as producing a race to the bottom which causes a general lowering of health and safety standards. While others argue that free trade encourages countries to rely on each other economically, meaning that they are less likely to go to war.
 
But it’s a mystery why opponents of trade agreements that elevate corporate interests above democracy concede the terms of debate by calling for “fair trade, and not free trade.” The Fair Trade Initiative is being supported by a number of grassroots organizations. It seeks to give a higher than market prices to producers so they can improve their standard of living and further develop their community. It measures economic gain in wider terms than thickness of corporate bottom profit line.
 
One fundamental assumption on the theory of comparative advantage rested on a necessary condition of “capital immobility.” If financial (or labor) resources can move between countries, then the comparative advantage theory erodes, and absolute advantage dominates. Given the liberalization of capital flows under free trade agreements of the 1990s, the condition of capital immobility no longer holds. As a result, it can be argued that the economic theory of comparative advantage no longer supports free trade theory. However, as economist Paul Krugman (2008 Nobel Prize Winner) has noted, the 19th century economic theorist David Ricardo who formulated the well-known simple model of the comparative advantage doctrine lived himself in a period of high capital mobility. Some take this to mean that the assumption of capital immobility in early models of the theory was merely an expositional convenience that is not essential to the principle.
 
Furthermore, advocates of free trade itself have criticized the current implementation of free trade. One complaint is that developed countries tend to insist that developing countries open their markets to industrial products from the developed world, yet refuse to open their markets to agricultural goods from the developing world. Besides, it has been noted that the current concept of free trade supports the free movement of products and employers, which favors the developed countries, but not the free movement of employees, that is labor (immigration), which would favor the people of developing countries. Some have argued that free trade changes living conditions and careers too fast. Economic disruptions used to happen slowly enough that natural attrition, such as deaths and retirement, took care of the changes.
 
A driving force behind most existing and proposed trade agreements is politically-powerful corporations’ pressure to expand the most costly and anti-competitive forms of protectionism – patents, copyrights and other monopolies grouped under “intellectual property rights,” thereby, effectively mandates suffering and death to bolster corporate profits in many instance. For example, poor countries that import generic HIV/AIDS drugs that save thousands of lives have been sued to halt the practice as a violation of trade treaties. The question remains: How free is the “Free Trade?” or rather: Should we stop calling it “Free Trade?”
 
Dr. M. L. Yakubu (Lawal Karmanje)

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